The issue of historical injustice is one of the major factors of social anarchy. The past injustices done to the minority individuals and groups are mainly political violence, an institutional way of undermining the equal worth of persons because of their ethnicity, religion, culture or political belief and action. As a person or victim she can be targeted more than one of these characteristics at once see Jones , pp. Such wrongdoing as political violence disrupts the fundamental moral premises of a liberal democracy because liberal democratic institutions have to ensure that citizens are treated as persons with equal moral worth.
According to Rawls, a liberal democracy should be understood as a system of social cooperation between free and equal persons Rawls It might have similar severe affect on victimized groups. This psychological trauma sometimes ended as non-cooperation, distrust, unwillingness to be accommodated, and isolation from the mainstream public life.
Such past wrongdoing also demoralize the self-respect of persons which eventually impact on respect for others and mutual respect. Study reveals that testimony is one of the ways in helping the act of psychological recovery from this political trauma. These reparations seem to go beyond testimony:. The integral importance of reparations, remorse, restitutions, truth and acknowledgment to victims […] I have found that reparations by victims and survivors in process aimed at achieving such elusive goals as truth and justice is an important component of healing—many survivors want to feel they are taking some actions, even if they know it will not deliver complete justice or absolute truth.
This gives survivors some control over their environment, something which political trauma normally overrides Hamber , p. This self-respect have four elements which make the person as a moral worth; a positive evaluation of herself, valuing her equal moral status with regard to the rest, the person must try to realize the system of ends that she adopts, and non-devaluation of her equal moral status and her own life plan by others Vaca Paniagua , p.
In case if one of these elements is agitated, her self-respect falls in deficit. He says,. The second category emphasizes damage to the bonds between people: what might be called the loss of fraternity resulting from great differences in material circumstances, accomplishments and the social importance according to them.
Scanlon , p. While the first evil relates to the damage perpetrated on the self-respect of the person affected by the inequality, the second does the same to the relation between that person and the rest. According to the dependency thesis of Bird it can be assumed that deficit in mutual respect is conditioned with self-respect i. The deficit in mutual respect eventually affects social integrity and social cohesion in a liberal country.
Therefore historical injustice has to be rectified in an acceptable manner e. Galston has little to say about the resentments that sometimes affect group relationships. Diversity in a plural society is caused not merely by differences of value. It can also be caused by historical factors—particularly by events that are perceived by some groups as an injustice committed against them Thompson ; Spinner Halev , However, among these elements of his pluralism, mutualism is the most promising.
The fundamental basis of his mutualism is mutual respect, mutual interest and interest for the whole community.
The Characteristics of Pluralism
Non-rectification of historical injustice not only creates divisions but makes mutualism difficult to achieve also. People, suffered from oppression are not likely to think that they share common purposes with their oppressors. Moreover, such mutualism is in question when the issue of practical implication is taken into consideration. In societies, liberal or not, where there are ample of examples of historical injustices, rectification of such injustices might be considered as a precondition for the establishment of social solidarity and justice.
In a pluralist society, any theory of plurality or theory of minority rights need to address properly the issue of historical injustices done to the minority groups in question, however, in some cases immigrant minorities might not face such trauma. Civic education, as Galston describes it, does not seem sufficient to heal wounds that have been caused by history.
Though Galston advocates a plural society in which groups can live according to their cultural and religious values, his conception of politics is not much different from that of liberals who advocate common citizenship. Full citizens are individuals with a common political standing. They have an equal responsibility for fulfilling liberal purposes and have equal rights as citizens. But his mutualism assumes that these groups are very much in a minority.
Like classical liberals he seems to assume that group allegiances, including religious belief, belong to private, or non-political, life and that in their political existence citizens participate as individuals. A mutualist State is a secular State and religion does not have a place in politics. This goes against the stance of those who think that religion should play a direct role in politics. Minority groups in a liberal plural society, being deprived of a number of civil and political rights, often demand that the group itself should be represented directly in politics.
The demand is, however, justified in some respects. Now if the majority who is not by religion Jews adopts a public policy that Saturday is not a weekly holiday, then its difficult for the minority Jews community to perform their religious and cultural commitment as a member of that particular group. In a majoritarian democracy the minority groups have only option to be marginalized Andeweg ; Arend ; Lijphart Galston speaks about many issues related to the interest of the minority groups such as expressive liberty, associationalism, mutualism, majority toleration and so.
However, the question arises whether the majority group tolerates the participation of a minority representation in decision-making body with the power to veto to any policy subservient to their interest. Although this tension is not a serious matter in a society where secularism is accepted and where individualism is dominant.
But it is bound to pose a problem in societies where group membership is crucial in political as well as social life and secularism is not widely accepted.
State and religion in the pluralist republic in: The political theory of the Irish Constitution
Galston makes the point that his theory of liberal pluralism cannot tolerate a gross violation of human rights even when group members regard such violations as part of their cultural life. For example, human sacrifice is not allowed even if those who are sacrificed accept this as a cultural norm Galston The Aztec religion is out of bounds. But Galston offers no systematic account of the contents of the common moral horizon. Human sacrifice is an extreme example and we are left to wonder about other practices that are not so extreme but are nevertheless widely condemned.
Would genital mutilation of women be allowed in a liberal society? Would it be allowable for a cultural group to severely punish homosexuals?
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Moreover, Galston himself points out that religious group that allows for differences of opinion and accepts diversity will have an easier time accepting the expressive liberty of others. But people who believe that their religion is the true religion and have a strong commitment to their beliefs will have difficulty tolerating practices that go against their beliefs.
Therefore it is very difficult for them to tolerate a situation in which someone from a different faith slaughters a Cow. Such problems are more serious than some issues of moral debate e. Indeed toleration that underwrites a society in which people are prepared to work together to maintain basic structures, defines a common concept of justice and to fulfill liberal purposes is likely to require more than a willingness to live and let live.
Mutual respect seems to be required. Some critics therefore wonder whether non-liberal groups are likely to accept the kind of toleration that mutualism requires Crowder The liberal multiculturalism of Galston fails to do justice to minorities at least in two respects. One of them is their failure to deal with the problem of historical injustice and the other is the problem of politics.
The Pluralist Theory of the State: Selected Writings of G.D.H. Cole, J.N. Figgis and H.J. Laski
Liberal multiculturalism provides an account of justice for minority groups. But it pays little attention to practical politics: how minority groups can ensure that a government will treat them justly. Practically speaking, having political power over crucial decisions is the only guarantee at least in the opinion of people in many minority groups. Galston thinks that groups should be able to make their own decision about some matters, but they have typically liberal ideas about citizenship. Citizens are individuals. Participation in minority group decision-making is something apart from participation in decision making of governments.
Groups themselves do not participate in political decision making of the State. This means that minority groups can still be at a disadvantage if political decisions go against them—if the State is not prepared to satisfy liberal multicultural requirements of justice. For example, Aborigines are a small minority in Australian population and if the government decides on a policy that disadvantages them, there is not much they can do about it.
Having a few seats in a parliament, without veto power, dedicated to minority groups is not sufficient, because the majority can outvote these few representatives.
Civic education might help—but probably not enough in a society where there is a lot of distrust and entrenched prejudices. The author acknowledges the contribution of Professor Janna Thompson and Dr. Toula Nicolacopoulos of La Trobe University, Melbourne, Australia for their invaluable contribution in making the arguments and comments on different version of the paper. However, I think his theory counts as a theory of liberal multiculturalism.
It is liberal because, as we will see, it subscribes to liberal values. It is multicultural because it aims to show how diverse cultures and communities can exist within a liberal State. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Published online Aug 8. Golam Azam.